Introduction
Dance
and music often play a role in creating community and affirming identity. Recent research on dance communities explores
the ways in which dance provides not only a space for cultural expression, but
also a space for negotiating and transforming identity. This paper reviews recent literature on dance
communities, drawing special attention to four themes: embodied social identity, cultural
consciousness, performing sexuality, and global discourse. These four themes give insight into the link
between cultural identity and dance communities in the world today.
Dance Community and Cultural Identity
Embodied Social
Identity
In
the article “Ethnicity, identity, and music,” ethnomusicologist Martin Stokes
(1994) follows writers such as Bourdieu (1977) and De Certeau (1984) to argue
that music and dance do not simply reflect culture. Rather, music and dance are social
performance in which meanings are generated.
They provide the means by which the hierarchies of place are negotiated
and transformed. For example, a rural
migrant to the city may begin to identify with urban music genres, thereby
facilitating a transformation from proletarian to urbanite.
Stokes
(1994) describes how the places constructed through music involve notions of
difference and social boundary, which helps to organize hierarchies of a moral
and political order. He examines the ways in which different social
identities might be negotiated though music.
Questions around ethnicity often involve discussions regarding
authenticity, or the “authentic” traces of identity “in” music. Music is used by social actors in specific
local situations to maintain distinctions between us and them, and terms such
as authenticity are often used to justify these boundaries.
Music
might also be used to propagate a national identity through state control or
influence over universities, conservatories, and archives. For example, during the national reforms in
Turkey in 1935, village radio sets played educational programs disseminating
“new” Turkish language, history, and folklore, as well as musical genres
representing Turkey’s new “European” identity.
Just as musical performance enacts dominant communal values, it can also
enact rival principles of social organization (Stokes, 1994).
In
sum, music and dance are invariably communal activities that bring people
together in specific alignments. The way
in which people interact through music and dance with these social alignments
can provide a powerful affective experience in which social identity is
literally “embodied” (Stokes, 1994).
In
the article “Moving identity: dance in the negotiation of sexuality and
ethnicity in Cyprus,” Stavros Stavrou Karayanni (2006) uses Cyprus as a case
study for a crossroad where ethnic, sexual, gender, and race politics are
complex, interwoven, and endlessly negotiated.
The history of colonization in Cyprus not only scripts national manhood,
but also exercises control over every individual’s body. Karayanni (2006) eloquently describes the
embodied nature of identity, especially as it relates to national history:
If our bodies
are organic vessels that carry our personal history, our idiosyncrasies, our
emotions and frustrations, signs that mark our national, gender and class
identity, then when we set that body in motion the entire microcosm of the
individual is on display; a microcosm replete with contradictions such as
control and resistance, compliance and oppression. In other words, in dance, the body resonates
with its history, thus becoming a site where various meanings manifest
themselves and cross paths with each other.
(p. 252)
Thus movement becomes a medium to process body memory,
as well as to construct and mobilize social identity.
Cultural Consciousness
In
the article “Dance as a means of cultural identity: A case of the Bukusu
Kamabeka dance,” Mellitus Nyongesa Wanyama (2011) addresses the role that music
education must play in order to preserve traditional Kenyan music and dance as
valuable cultural identity treasures.
The Bukusu Kamabeka dance has
a peculiar style that distinguishes it from similar shoulder dances by the Luo,
Kamba, Gusii, Kuria, Giriama, and others.
This particular style of dance is therefore part of the cultural identity
of the Bukusu people. Wanyama (2011)
explores the unique Bukusu cultural identities associated with the performance
of Litunga music and the Kamabeka dance, including instruments,
informal music education, communal rituals, timbre of voices, rhythm variations,
idiosyncratic dance flares, and folk songs.
Some
of the songs in litunga music tell
the story of the mythical-genealogical foundations of the Bukusu
community. Others allude to the
historical continuum of events that the community has undergone. Dancers, or as Wanyama calls them “culture
owners,” dance their experiences, struggles, and aspirations. In doing so, they not only mobilize their
cultural identity, but also reshape their philosophy of life and hope as they
dance the kamabeka (Wanyama, 2011).
In
the article “Identity Discourses on the Dancefloor,” Bryan Rill (2010) examines
the Electronic Dance Music Culture (EDMC) as one of the largest subculture
musical movements in history. The article takes a psychological approach to
the trance consciousness that occurs on the dance floor and argues that dancing
re-constitutes the bodily self an as interaction rather than a corporeal
body.
People
who participate in raves describe it as a somatic experience, one that silences
the inner language of our waking consciousness and moves the dancer into the
present moment. The egocentric “I” is superseded
by “We” and thinking is second to feeling.
Rill (2010) uses scientific theories of human consciousness to
articulate the phenomenological experience of musical trancing. Using a radical departure from traditional
cognitive theory, in which the world is objectively “out there” and people are
a singular, bounded unitary consciousness, Rill (2010) points to
neuroscientists who theorize an embodied context of the lived experience
(Merleau-Ponty, 1968; Varela and Rosch, 1991; Maturana and Varela, 1987;
Edelman, 1992; Freeman, 1997):
The neural
networks upon which these interactions are mapped are not “hard-wired.” The brain continually reconfigures its neural
networks based on interaction with the world.
It is quite possible, then, to create new neural pathways as a result of
the often-powerful trance experiences occurring on the dance floor. (p. 148)
As such, dancing at a rave is ripe with transformative
potential. This potential is wrapped up
in a collective sensual experience, as every dancer is aware that he or she is
part of the collective body.
Performing Sexuality
In the article “Sexuality and Sexual Identity: Critical Possibilities for Teaching Dance
Appreciation and Dance History,” Ann Dils (2004) asserts that dance history
needs to be considered alongside the history of sexuality and that studying
dance practice is important in understanding the performance of sexual
identities. Dils (2004) defines
sexuality as “our desire for, fantasies about, and realized sexual contact with
others” (p. 11). Sexuality is
non-determinate in that it cannot be contained within the
heterosexual/homosexual binary and is variable over a lifespan. Using her classroom experiences as a case
study, she discusses ways in which to give students practice describing and
thinking about the social messages of movement.
For example, some students may see the dance space as a feminized space,
a place to appreciate beauty and be entertained. As such, when men enter this space, they
become feminized, appreciated for their visual appeal rather than their impact
or productivity.
In
the article “Belly Dance, Gender Identity, and Social Activism: Conceptualizing Free and Open Spaces,” Dennis
J. Downey and Sandrine Zerbib (2008) investigate the influence of belly dance
on participants’ gender identity and involvement in social activism. The authors argue that leisure activities
have an important link to participant identity, and that they can be the source
of strong collective identity.
Belly
dance identity includes a basic tension between an “ancient earth woman”
identity and a “harem sex symbol” identity.
While the earth woman is associated with matriarchal power and control
over women’s own sexuality, the harem sex symbol represents an “Orientalized”
symbol of women’s sexuality and availability.
This tension, which simultaneously challenges and reaffirms traditional
gender roles, parallels tensions concerning sexuality in third wave feminism
(Downey and Zerbib, 2008).
Downey and Zerbib’s preliminary
analysis indicates that length of involvement and level of dance are positively
associated with dancers’ body image, and that many participants see belly dance
as a means to social change (Downey and Zerbib, 2008).
Stokes (1994) discusses ways in which
gender boundaries are performed in music and dance. He points to Cowan’s recent study of Greek
dance (1990), which views dance less as a domain of shared and agreed meaning
than one of conflict and control. While
dance is a means of gender socialization, it is also an area where gender
categories can be contested. Social
dance brings together unmarried men and women in public space, which is a
problem in any society in which social and moral order is in terms of marriage
and the confinement of sexuality within the domestic unit (Stokes, 1994).
Global Discourse
In the paper “An
Insider’s Guide to the Street Dance Subculture in Singapore,” Wong Pao Yi Elke
(2011) examines the vibrant subculture of street dance in Singapore,
conceptualizing the social space of street dance through processes of
construction, consumption, and contestation.
Elke draws attention to the interaction between the local and global
street dance communities and studies how these interactions promote greater
cultural appreciation: “The
international street dance community has become increasingly interconnected
across time and space, resulting in a continuous two-way transmission of
cultural production between the local and the global” (p. 8). Elke argues that street dance subcultures not
only transcend geographical borders to establish subculture identities, but
also contribute to the flows across the global dancescape.
In the article “Salsa Dance as Cosmopolitan Formation: Cooperation, Conflict and Commerce in the Midwest
United States,” Joanna Bosse (2013) examines the way in which salsa dance and
music have entered a number of global social distribution networks, thereby
accumulating meanings beyond its Latin American identity and complicating its
associated Latina discourses. Bosse
(2013) presents a case study of a community of amateur salsa dancers in
Champaign-Urbana, Illinois, arguing that particular social and economic factors
have the potential to undermine the genre’s capacity to serve as an expression
of Latin American ethnic or racial identity.
Internationally,
salsa has become a music to be danced to rather than a music that is
produced. The popularity of salsa music
around the world has led to local salsa dance scenes that are often socially
and culturally diverse (Roman-Velazquez, 2002).
In small-town Illinois, Bosse (2013) describes how local salsero elites
couched their marginalization of Mexicans in terms of aesthetics or
authenticity—the Mexicans did not dance in a Cuban, Puerto Rican, or New York style,
which was the style of white, middle-class newcomers, who were the paying
customers.
“Cosmopolitanism”
(Breckenridge, 2002) provides a framework for understanding how a shared set of
class-based values joined the local economic and/or educational resident
elites—whites, Latin Americans, and other ethnic groups—in opposition to the
local working-class Mexicans.
Cosmopolitan formations are often described as “global” in common
language. Because a modernist-capitalist
formation dominates much of the globe, commerce influenced the development of
the salsa community in small-town Illinois.
Bosse (2013) explains:
So while
salsa continued to serve as a signifier of Latino identity and shifting notions
of ‘home’, it also became a powerful signifier of a particular type of ‘hip’
cosmopolitanism for a core group of ethnically diverse local elites. To this latter constituency, fluency in salsa
music and dance communicated a fluency in foreign lands and urban centres—a
substantial currency for those living in a quiet, rural college town in central
Illinois. (p. 226)
Summary
Recent
literature on dance community and cultural identity explore the ways in which
identities are embodied through dance movement.
Social identity is embodied through a powerful affective experience and
dancers’ interactions with social alignments (Stokes, 1994). Dance performance not only reflects culture,
but also serves as a medium to negotiate and generate new meaning. Dance movement processes body memory, and at
times collective group memory, such as the national identity in Cyprus
(Karayanni, 2006). Dance may also be used
to mobilize cultural identity and preserve unique features of a collective
group, as with the Bukusu Kamabeka
dance in Kenya (Wanyama, 2011). Dance
has the potential to both reinforce traditional gender roles and challenge
them, as gender boundaries are explored and broadened in the performance of
dance (Downey and Zerbib, 2008). As a
particular type of music and dance grows in popularity around the world, it
becomes subject to global discourses of difference, giving local dance scenes
the opportunity to renegotiate meaning in their local contexts (Elke, 2011;
Bosse, 2013). In sum, dance is a
valuable area of academic inquiry that requires an interdisciplinary
stance. The links between dance
community and cultural identity include its associated concerns with the
politics of identity contained within the contested notions of race, class,
gender and sexuality.
References
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